Monday 28 January 2013

Digital Preservation - the Golden Rules

Untitled, painting by Geoff Barker, 1993
“If we try we may fail, if we don’t try we will certainly fail"
British Library, Preservation Advisory Service, 2010

The 'golden rules' of digital preservation? 

Firstly digital preservation is going to be different from organisation to organisation but that doesn't mean everyone is marching to the beat of their own drum. Thankfully there are some basic principles which should inform all projects:

Always create a project plan before starting your project. Not only will this clarify and cost what you are going to do it will leave a record of how the processes used for your digital preservation and this could be invaluable for those that may need to migrate your data at a later date.

Remember digitisation refers to a wider range of objects than just creating an image file of Museum objects and placing them in a folder. While most of the focus up till now has been on photographic prints and negatives digitisation increasingly covers a wide range of museum content including photographs born in digital cameras, documentation and stories related to objects, videos and audio files relating to collections and content created by people in the broader community using 3rd party sites like blogs and flickr.

Collaborate whenever possible - so check to see if someone else has already done work on the same objects and whether you can share or incorporate their data into your records.

Are you ready to do this? The biggest risk to physical collections is human beings. If the collection has been sitting in a cardboard box in the corner of the museum for the last twenty years and is still in pretty good condition perhaps a few more weeks, months, even years may not make too much difference. It's better to be able to do it all, and to do it properly, than to make a half-hearted attempt on a portion of the collection.

Always hold at least two copies of a record. Technical obsolescence of standard formats is not likely to be an immediate threat so it may be possible to retain a copy in the original digital format in which it was created.

Only ever work on a copy of a record to ensure long-term preservation of the original.

If you want to follow up there is plenty more information on Digital Preservation Basics a site I created for a workshop I did last year. This includes checklists, selecting file formats, finding digital objects, selecting sizes and resource links.

Saturday 19 January 2013

Early Music Recording & Edison Wax Cylinders


Edison phonograph cylinder, "Sweat Heart March", about 1900, Powerhouse Museum 8914-3

The first cylinder sound recording machine was developed by Thomas Edison in 1877. This invention etched the sound wave patterns from a mouthpiece onto tinfoil wrapped around a 4 inch cylinder. However this medium, while able to successfully record low quality sound, was extremely fragile and it failed to find a substantial commercial market.

It was not until 1885 that a talking machine called the 'graphophone' was able to successfully play and record onto cylinders which were robust enough to be commercially viable. This machine utilised a wax coated cylinder rather than tin foil and accounts for the reason recorded cylinders from this point on were commonly referred to as 'wax cylinders', although many are not made from wax at all.

These tubular cylinders were slotted over a rotating drum before a needle was lowered onto its surface to play back the recorded sound. Surrounded as we are by television, radio, mobile phones and pod casts it is hard for us to conceive how novel it was to listen to a recorded voice. The new medium conveyed for the first time not only the sense of the words of the sender but also the expression which has much to do with the interpretation of the true meaning contained in the words of the sermon as much as a song.

While it was initially envisaged public demand would be for use as an office dictation machine, it quickly became apparent people wanted to listen to music and vaudeville performances on these new machines. Unfortunately for Edison and the graphophone companies, the machines they sold were capable of recording as well as playing back music. This led to a situation where entrepreneurs were re-recording cylinders and on-selling these or making their own recordings of local artists to sell. Machines were soon hired by operators charging people to sit and listen through hearing tubes and as demand grew, coin operated machines were developed until it eventually became clear home models would be needed to cater for demand.

Another problem affecting the quality of the recordings was the fact that by this stage most cylinders were not actually made from wax but from a non-soluble metallic soap that varied in composition from time to time. This posed problems for 'graphophone' and phonograph companies as there was no reliable means of duplicating the music captured on cylinders. As a result 400 recordings required the artist perform the same song 20 times in front of a battery of twenty recording machines all set in motion at the same time.

The obvious solution to this problem was to make copies of master cylinders but, in 1898, before this problem was solved, a high quality 12.7 cm (5-inch) cylinder was introduced by the American Graphophone Company. Known as concert cylinders these could deliver not only a higher quality of sound but also produced a louder recording enabling them to be used in music halls to seated audiences. Bigger and more expensive than the normal cylinder they failed to find a popular market and by 1902 they were only being made-to-order by both companies

To overcome these problems both companies started working towards finding a harder material to make their cylinders from. In addition they needed to find a method for reproducing copies of master recordings by moulding, rather re-recording from individual cylinders. The hope was that moulded cylinders would not only last longer and sound better, but would provide a guarantee of recording quality. Edison had been following the possibility of making the wax electrically conductive and then using this to plate a mould. He worked on electro-statically depositing gold and then plating with base metals but it was not until 1901 that he successfully patented the 'gold-molding' process which could be used to copy commercial quantities of cylinders. Columbia in turn began producing moulded cylinders called 'High Speed XX' cylinders and both adopted 160 rpm (revolution per minute) in place of the earlier 120 rpm.

By 1902 business was booming and the Columbia Graphophone Company claimed to produce two million cylinders per month, but did so without owning a patent on moulding cylinders. They did however benefit from being able to utilize the final major innovation in cylinder design before the Edison Company, the use of a celluloid instead of a wax composition. The beginnings this innovation are attributed to the work of Thomas Lambert of Chicago who in 1900 began producing pink celluloid cylinders made from a copper moulded master. By July 1906 the Indestructible Record Company and the Graphophone Company were producing large numbers of celluloid cylinders but patent restrictions prevented Edison from making his cylinders from celluloid.

Further problems surfaced for Edison's National Phonograph Company in 1905 when Higham's modifications to the playing device extended the playing time of the cylinders from 2 to 4 minutes. The problem for Edison was this device caused increased wear on his softer wax cylinders and in 1908, he was forced to compete with the 4 minute recordings by promoting the 'Amberol' cylinders which increased the number of grooves per inch from one hundred to two. Unfortunately, playing them required fitting special feed mechanisms to existing phonographs and, given the extra cost, this was unpopular. In 1909 the U. S. Phonograph Company began molding 4 minute 'Everlasting' cylinders in celluloid and in 1910 the Indestructible Record Company began producing celluloid recordings sold by the Columbia Phonograph Company.

Edison finally solved the problem by buying the rights to celluloid production owned by Philpot of England. In 1912, using the same 'gold-molding' process for the wax cylinders, Edison began producing 'Blue Amberol' recordings made from hardened blue celluloid with plaster centers and which revolved at 160 rpm. The first of these were two minutes long but by October 1912 they began production of 4 minutes cylinders which were followed by a celebrity series in purple celluloid.

1905 was the high point of cylinder recording which by the WW1 went into a sustained phase of decline. Edison continued to sell his phonograph recording right up until his retirement in 1929 but the real cause of the demise of the moulded cylinders was the success of the rival gramophone-disc records which dominated music recording right up until the 1980s.

References
'The Phonograph', Scientific American, July 25 1896, 66
V. K. Chew, Science Museum Talking Machines, Her Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1981
Oliver Read and Walter Welch, From Tin Foil to Stereo, Howard Sams & Co., New York, 1959

Wednesday 9 January 2013

War Photographs from Samoa 1899



Tradition in Samoa dictated that leadership of the islands was to be invested in a hereditary chief, but in the 1880s these claims to power were anything but certain. Robert Louis Stevenson, who lived in Samoa during this period of turmoil, commented that Europeans, used to a history of kings and queens, tended to leap to the conclusion that the office of high chief is absolute. In fact the office in Samoa was elective and held in many ways on condition of the holder's behaviour and attendance to his many obligations. This confusion was to have ongoing ramifications in the late nineteenth century as European powers asserted their claims to land and political power across the three major islands of Samoa.

In 1881, Laupepa was annointed king on the basis of his holding of three of the five names (Malietoa, Natoaitele, and Tamasoalii) which covered the principality of Samoa. However the two other chiefs who had claims to these highly significant titles, Tamasese who held the name Tuiaana and Mata'afa who held Tuiatua, were not completely satisfied with the arrangement. In an effort to maintain the peace each was given the role of 'vice-king' to be held for two year periods.

This situation provided the seeds of discord amongst the Samoans, but a greater threat to the peace of the island was the German, British and American settlers pursuing their commercial interests (particularly the German interests of the firm of Deutsche Handels und Plantagen Gesellschaft fur Sud-See Inseln zu Hamburg ( DH&PG.)) alongside these traditional relationships.

The centre of all this activity was on the island of Upolu at the port of Apia where Samoans, Germans, Americans and Englishmen all resided. Perhaps the best description of the state of these interests is to be found at the beginning of Stevenson's book, A Footnote to History,

Here, then, is a singular state of affairs: all the money, luxury, and business of the kingdom centred in one place; that place excepted from the native government and administered by whites for whites; and the whites themselves holding it not in common but in hostile camps, so that it lies between them like a bone between two dogs, each growling, each clutching his own end.

European intrigue exacerbated existing tensions which erupted in 1885 and led to civil war amongst the Samoans and fighting between the Germans on one side and the Americans and the British on the other. The German Counsel Dr. Stuebel entered into an agreement with Malietoa and then advocated the deposing of the existing Samoan government. However Malietoa and Tamasese secretly approached the English offering them the islands as a Protectorate. When the Germans found out they sought to replace Malietoa and, overlooking the obvious choice of Mata'afa, selected Malietoa's accomplice Tamasese as their man.

Tamasese, supplied with weapons by Germans and Americans, raised his flag on January the 28th 1886, Malietoa was forced from Mulinuu, the seat of his royalty and raised his flag in Apia. Here he was confronted by the German Consel Dr. Stuebel who, with the aid of ten men from the German cruiser Albatross forcibly took down his flag. Europe and America sent a delegation to sort out the mess and a lull in hostilities ensued which lasted for nearly a year. But by August 1887 tensions had increased again and no less than five German warships were stationed in the harbour at Apia. On the 25 August 700 Germans came ashore and hoisted the German flag above the Government House in Apia.

In September 1888 a large group of Samoans revolted against Tamasese and the German Government. By December 1888 skirmishes were erupting across the islands and tensions between the European warships in Apia harbour were at their height. On the 21st the German ship the Olga shelled and burned the village of Vailele. By March 1889 the harbour was crowded with three American ships in Apia bay, the Nipsic; the Vandalia and the Trenton, three German ships, the Adler; the Eber and the Olga; and one British, the Calliope. In addition there were six merchant-men, ranging from twenty-five to five-hundred tons, and a number of small craft which further encumbered the anchorage. On the 15 March a hurricane struck and the Eber went down on the reef with nearly 80 drowned, the Nipsce was beached on the sand escaping with a few lives lost, the Adler was lifted onto the reef which broke her back and twenty lives were lost, the Vandalia also went down in the storm after colliding with the Olga losing 43 lives, while the Trenton only lost one life.
The Germans in the wake of this disaster agreed again to talks with the British and the Americans. This allowed tensions to quieten down and a treaty document was signed in which Malietoa was recognised as king by the European forces.

However this was against the wishes of many Samoans who saw another chief, Mata'afa, as the real hero of the conflict. The agreement also established an accord for the tripartite supervision of the islands but, unfortunately for all involved, it appears to have been constructed in haste and the resulting document led to squabbles and by 1892 the island '… still lacked any form of peace, order and effective administration'.

Tamasese had died in 1891 and in 1893 another civil war broke out between Mata'afa and Malietoa, the upshot of which was the capture and deportation of Mata'afa. In 1894 fresh conflict broke out between Tamasese's son and Malietoa which was put down by German forces.

But in August 1898 Samoa's King Malietoa Laupepa died and his long-time rival Mata'afa returned from exile supported by the German forces. This act was strongly opposed by the British and Americans who backed Laupepa's son, Tanu, and in January 1899 a war, similar to the one ten yeas previously, erupted in Apia. In an astounding turn of events the American heavy cruiser U.S.S. Philadelphia shelled Apia on 14 March almost ten years to the day of the anniversary of the hurricane which ended the first conflict.

This shelling was done in an attempt to dissolve a provisional government set up by Mata'afa and Germany and re-establish the tripartite solution. Instead it inflamed the hostilities and Mata'afa's forces attacked houses in Apia, particularly the Tivoli Hotel where three American sailors were killed. Tanu's forces were outnumbered by Mata'afa's on Upolu and so British and American ships picked up hundred of supporters from the Samoan Islands of Savai'i and Tutuila and brought them back to Apia where they were armed and trained. On 30 March a British and American force under Commander Sturdee, along with about one hundred Samoans under Lieutenant Gaunt, made their way along the coast driving small numbers of Mata'afa's men before them. 



On the first of April, and no doubt feeling full of confidence at the ease with which they were forcing Mata'afa's forces off the coast, they pursued him inland. This tactic was foolhardy in the extreme as they were no longer covered by the fire of the warships and were attacked by thousands of Mata'afa's men. While only seven were killed, the historian Paul Kennedy considered these were, 'remarkably light considering the circumstances'. The upshot of all this activity was the establishment of Samoan, American and British forces along the coast while Mata'afa's Samoan forces and the Germans were firmly entrenched in the interior.

The inevitable deadlock was broken by a ceasefire announced on 25 April and in May 1899 a specially set up commission of British, American, and German representatives arrived. Soon after a treaty was agreed to by all parties. This document recognised the independence of the Samoan Government and divided European interests so that Germany received the western Samoan islands with Savaii and Upolu, the United States received the eastern islands with its capital at Pago Pago on Tutuila and Britain withdrew from the area for recognition of rights on Tonga and the Solomon Islands.

These images are two of the 26 images relating to the 1899 conflict held by the Powerhouse Museum, Sydney.

Geoff Barker

References
Paul M. Kennedy, The Samoan Tangle; a Study in Anglo-German-American Relations, University of Queensland Press, Queensland, 1974
Robert Louis Stevenson, A Footnote to History; Eight years of Trouble in Samoa, 1892, transcribed from the 1912 Swanston edition by David Price, 2005, Project Gutenberg eBook, http://www.gutenberg.org/files/536/536.txt